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  5. William Ewart Gladstone

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No thanks - I'm already an Eventfinda member or I don't want to join. Preview the new Eventfinda. Position id: 6 Zone id: Toggle navigation Toggle user menu eventfinda. He urged them to reject papal infallibility as they had opposed the Spanish Armada of The pamphlet sold , copies by the end of A second pamphlet followed in Feb , a defence of the earlier pamphlet and a reply to his critics, entitled Vaticanism: an Answer to Reproofs and Replies.

He further claimed that the Pope wanted to destroy the rule of law and replace it with arbitrary tyranny, and then to hide these "crimes against liberty beneath a suffocating cloud of incense". In a speech to the Hawarden Amateur Horticultural Society on 17 August , Gladstone remarked "I am delighted to see how many young boys and girls have come forward to obtain honourable marks of recognition on this occasion,—if any effectual good is to be done to them, it must be done by teaching and encouraging them and helping them to help themselves.

All the people who pretend to take your own concerns out of your own hands and to do everything for you, I won't say they are impostors; I won't even say they are quacks; but I do say they are mistaken people. The only sound, healthy description of countenancing and assisting these institutions is that which teaches independence and self-exertion". It will be borne in mind that the Liberal doctrines of that time, with their violent anti-socialist spirit and their strong insistence on the gospel of thrift, self-help, settlement of wages by the higgling of the market, and non-interference by the State I think that Mr.

Gladstone was the strongest anti-socialist that I have ever known among persons who gave any serious thought to social and political questions. Gladstone fixed that point lower, and was more vehement against those who went above it, than any other politician or official of my acquaintance. His strong belief in Free Trade was only one of the results of his deep-rooted conviction that the Government's interference with the free action of the individual, whether by taxation or otherwise, should be kept at an irreducible minimum.

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It is, indeed, not too much to say that his conception of Liberalism was the negation of Socialism. A pamphlet Gladstone published on 6 September , Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East , [] [] [] attacked the Disraeli government for its indifference to the Ottoman Empire 's violent repression of the Bulgarian April uprising. Gladstone made clear his hostility focused on the Turkish people , rather than on the Muslim religion.

The Turks he said:. Wherever they went, a broad line of blood marked the track behind them; and as far as their dominion reached, civilisation disappeared from view. They represented everywhere government by force, as opposed to government by law.

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For the guide of this life they had a relentless fatalism: for its reward hereafter, a sensual paradise. The historian Geoffrey Alderman has described Gladstone as 'unleashing the full fury of his oratorical powers against Jews and Jewish influence' during the Bulgarian Crisis —88 , telling a journalist in that: "I deeply deplore the manner in which, what I may call Judaic sympathies, beyond as well as within the circle of professed Judaism, are now acting on the question of the East'. During the election campaign, called the Midlothian campaign , he rousingly denounced Disraeli's foreign policies during the ongoing Second Anglo-Afghan War in Afghanistan.

See Great Game. He saw the war as "great dishonour" and also criticised British conduct in the Zulu War. Gladstone also on 29 November condemned what he saw as the Conservative government's profligate spending:. He is ridiculed, no doubt, for what is called saving candle-ends and cheese-parings. No Chancellor of the Exchequer is worth his salt who is not ready to save what are meant by candle-ends and cheese-parings in the cause of his country.

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No Chancellor of the Exchequer is worth his salt who makes his own popularity either his first consideration, or any consideration at all, in administrating the public purse. You would not like to have a housekeeper or steward who made her or his popularity with the tradesmen the measure of the payments that were to be delivered to them. In my opinion the Chancellor of the Exchequer is the trusted and confidential steward of the public. He is under a sacred obligation with regard to all that he consents to spend I am bound to say hardly ever in the six years that Sir Stafford Northcote has been in office have I heard him speak a resolute word on behalf of economy.

Gladstone won his constituency election in Midlothian and also in Leeds , where he had also been adopted as a candidate. As he could lawfully only serve as MP for one constituency, Leeds was passed to his son Herbert. One of his other sons, Henry , was also elected as an MP. Queen Victoria asked Lord Hartington to form a ministry, but he persuaded her to send for Gladstone. Gladstone's second administration—both as Prime Minister and again as Chancellor of the Exchequer till —lasted from June to June He originally intended to retire at the end of , the 50th anniversary of his entry into politics, but did not do so.

Historians have debated the wisdom of Gladstone's foreign-policy during his second ministry. The British won decisively, and although they repeatedly promised to depart in a few years, the actual result was British control of Egypt for four decades, largely ignoring Ottoman nominal ownership.

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France was seriously unhappy, having lost control of the canal that it built and financed and had dreamed of for decades. Historian A. Taylor says that the seizure of Egypt "was a great event; indeed, the only real event in international relations between the Battle of Sedan and the defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese war. The British occupation of Egypt altered the balance of power.

It not only gave the British security for their route to India, it made them masters of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. It made it unnecessary for them to stand in the front line against Russia at the Straits And thus prepared the way for the Franco-Russian Alliance ten years later. Gladstone and the Liberals had a reputation for strong opposition to imperialism, so historians have long debated the explanation for this reversal of policy. They argue there was no long-term Liberal plan in support of imperialism.

Instead they saw the urgent necessity to act to protect the Suez Canal in the face of what appeared to be a radical collapse of law and order, and a nationalist revolt focused on expelling the Europeans, regardless of the damage it would do to international trade and the British Empire. Gladstone's decision came against strained relations with France, and maneuvering by "men on the spot" in Egypt. Critics such as Cain and Hopkins have stressed the need to protect large sums invested by British financiers and Egyptian bonds, while downplaying the risk to the viability of the Suez Canal.

William Ewart Gladstone

Unlike the Marxists, they stress "gentlemanly" financial and commercial interests, not the industrial capitalism that Marxists believe was always central. In he established the Irish Coercion Act , which permitted the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to detain people for as "long as was thought necessary", as there was rural disturbance in Ireland between landlords and tenants as Cavendish , the Irish Secretary, had been assassinated by Irish rebels in Dublin.


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Parliamentary reform continued with the Redistribution of Seats Act Gladstone was increasingly uneasy about the direction in which British politics was moving. In a letter to Lord Acton on 11 February , Gladstone criticised Tory Democracy as "demagogism" that "put down pacific, law-respecting, economic elements that ennobled the old Conservatism" but "still, in secret, as obstinately attached as ever to the evil principle of class interests".

He found contemporary Liberalism better, "but far from being good". Gladstone claimed that this Liberalism's "pet idea is what they call construction,—that is to say, taking into the hands of the state the business of the individual man".

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Both Tory Democracy and this new Liberalism, Gladstone wrote, had done "much to estrange me, and had for many, many years". Historian Sneh Mahajan has concluded, "Gladstone's second ministry remained barren of any achievement in the domestic sphere. It arrived in January two days after a massacre killed thousands.

The disaster proved a major blow to Gladstone's popularity. Queen Victoria sent him a telegram of rebuke which found its way into the press. Critics said Gladstone had neglected military affairs and had not acted promptly enough to save the besieged Gordon. Critics inverted his acronym, "G. The Hawarden Kite was a December press release by Gladstone's son and aide Herbert Gladstone announcing that he had become convinced that Ireland needed a separate parliament.

Gladstone's conversion to Home Rule convinced them to switch away from the Conservatives and support the Liberals using the 86 seats in Parliament they controlled. The main purpose of this administration was to deliver Ireland a reform which would give it a devolved assembly, similar to those which would be eventually put in place in Scotland and Wales in Gladstone regained his position as Prime Minister and combined the office with that of Lord Privy Seal.

During this administration he first introduced his Home Rule Bill for Ireland. The issue split the Liberal Party a breakaway group went on to create the Liberal Unionist party and the bill was thrown out on the second reading, ending his government after only a few months and inaugurating another headed by Lord Salisbury. Gladstone, says his biographer, "totally rejected the widespread English view that the Irish had no taste for justice, common sense, moderation or national prosperity and looked only to perpetual strife and dissension".

A large faction of Liberals, led by Joseph Chamberlain , formed a Unionist faction that supported the Conservative party. Whenever the Liberals were out of power, home rule proposals languished. Gladstone supported the London dockers in their strike of After their victory he gave a speech at Hawarden on 23 September in which he said: "In the common interests of humanity, this remarkable strike and the results of this strike, which have tended somewhat to strengthen the condition of labour in the face of capital, is the record of what we ought to regard as satisfactory, as a real social advance [that] tends to a fair principle of division of the fruits of industry".

On 23 October at Southport , Gladstone delivered a speech where he said that the right to combination, which in London was "innocent and lawful, in Ireland would be penal and Gladstone believed that the right to combination used by British workers was in jeopardy when it could be denied to Irish workers. On 11 December Gladstone said that: "It is a lamentable fact if, in the midst of our civilisation, and at the close of the nineteenth century, the workhouse is all that can be offered to the industrious labourer at the end of a long and honourable life.

I do not enter into the question now in detail. I do not say it is an easy one; I do not say that it will be solved in a moment; but I do say this, that until society is able to offer to the industrious labourer at the end of a long and blameless life something better than the workhouse, society will not have discharged its duties to its poorer members".

Very large propositions, involving, some of them, very novel and very wide principles, have been submitted to the public, for the purpose of securing such a provision by means independent of the labourer himself Gladstone wrote on 16 July in autobiographica that "In the Government Gladstone wrote to Herbert Spencer , who contributed the introduction to a collection of anti-socialist essays A Plea for Liberty , , that "I ask to make reserves, and of one passage, which will be easily guessed, I am unable even to perceive the relevancy.

But speaking generally, I have read this masterly argument with warm admiration and with the earnest hope that it may attract all the attention which it so well deserves". The general election of resulted in a minority Liberal government with Gladstone as Prime Minister. The House of Lords defeated the bill by voting against by votes to 41 on 8 September. The Elementary Education Blind and Deaf Children Act, passed in , required local authorities to provide separate education for blind and deaf children. Gladstone replied:.

I cannot help regretting that the honourable and gallant Gentleman has felt it his duty to put the question. It is put under circumstances that naturally belong to one of those fluctuations in the condition of trade which, however unfortunate and lamentable they may be, recur from time to time.